In depth I  FTAA: a new colonialism?
ALBA, Venezuela's answer to "free trade": the Bolivarian alternative for the Americas
Source: Focus on the Global South
This report provides a detailed account, and a critical assessment, of the ALBA project to date. October 2006 (pdf version).[see more]
 
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The Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA) process was formally launched at the first Summit of the Americas, in Miami, in December 1994. At the beginning of that year the North American Free Trade Agreement between Canada, Mexico and the United States came into force. The FTAA will mean an expansion of this agreement to include the rest of the continent, except Cuba.

The FTAA talks have been organized in nine permanent, theme-based Negotiating Groups: Agriculture; Government Procurement; Investment; Market Access; Subsidies; Services; Intellectual Property Rights; Competition Policy; and Dispute Settlement. An official delegate from each country participates in each Negotiating Group, but the US government clearly dominates the proceedings.

The anti-FTAA movement holds that it is not simply a trade agreement, as it is being presented officially, but a plan designed by US business and government sectors to broaden and strengthen their control over the peoples and countries in the hemisphere. If this Agreement enters into force, the sovereignty of the countries and peoples will be seriously compromised, and it will have a negative impact not only on economies and trade, but also on working conditions, social and cultural development, and the environment.

It is no exaggeration, they claim, to describe the FTAA as an expression of neocolonialism.

Meanwhile, the countries of the Americas continue negotiating the agreement, with different positions and more than a few confrontations. The Southern Common Market (MERCOSUR), and in particular Brazil, is demanding that FTAA negotiations contemplate the asymmetries that exist among the countries involved and that consequently mutual concessions be made. In this sense, if the countries of the South are willing to open up certain sectors, such as government procurement, the United States and Canada must act accordingly with agricultural protectionism. Several Southern Cone countries, like Argentina, Brazil and Uruguay, are major exporters of agricultural products and have enormous difficulties exporting both to the United States and to other markets, due to dumping practices and the domestic aid that Washington pours primarily into agro-industries.

The United States, in the meantime, moves gradually forward through bilateral or regional free trade agreements. Already, it has signed agreements with some countries, like Mexico and Chile, and is speeding up negotiations for the Central American Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA) and the Andean countries (Peru, Ecuador, Bolivia). In this way, a number of parallel treaties are being established, which are identical in format and characteristics as an FTAA that serves the interests of Washington. If things continue along this line, we will end up with a network of free trade agreements covering all of Central America and several Andean countries, and excluding, for the time being, Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay, Uruguay and Venezuela.

According to the Uruguayan analyst Eduardo Gudynas, "this, in practice, is tantamount to an FTAA that leaves out the most important trade competitors and limits Brazil’s options as a regional leader. It is also a strategy that will leave Latin America divided for many years to come, thus curtailing its capacity to coordinate production and economic policies."

The coming into force of the FTAA was scheduled for 1 January 2005. But since the standstill in the negotiations –basically because of disagreements between US and Brazil on how to structure the agreement- that date has not been reached.

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