In depth I  International Monetary Fund - IMF
Amid food riots and shaken governments IFIs scramble to develop a coherent response
Source: Bank Information Center
At the mid-April Spring Meetings of the World Bank and the IMF, the top agenda items were closely linked: the enduring financial crisis, the global food crisis, and climate change. Among the three, the global food crisis clearly stood out in its magnitude and gravity. May, 2008[see more]
 
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When the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank Directors meet for their Spring and Annual Meetings tens of thousands of demonstrators regularly protest in front of the conference centers. The activists want to raise global awareness of the neoliberal trade and financial policies of the Bretton Woods Institutions. These policies were established in 1989 in the so-called “Washington Consensus” between the World Bank, IMF and the US Government. In exchange for credits, borrower countries were obliged to implement measures including fiscal discipline, trade and financial liberalization, tax reform and the privatization of state enterprises. These were the principles on which developing countries were to be integrated into the global economy. According to NGOs, however, the policies promote unfettered globalization, causing more poverty and environmental destruction in developing countries.

The International Monetary Fund was founded together with the World Bank in Bretton Woods in 1944. As a reaction to the Great Depression in the 1930s and the devastating consequences of the Second World War, the allies, led by the United States and Great Britain, sought to create an international financial institution to guide the global economy.

When the IMF was established it had three core missions which later changed over time. First, instead of floating exchange rates, a system of pegged, but adjustable exchange rates was created with the IMF as its focal point. Currencies were tied to the US dollar, which in turn was tied to gold. When the gold exchange standard collapsed in the 1971-1973 currency crisis, the IMF lost this core mission. Second, the Fund provided short-term finance to countries with temporary balance of payment problems. With the growth of international capital markets in the 1970s these also provided short-term credits, at least to industrialized countries, which were the main IMF clients during the 1950s and 1960s. Third, the Bretton Woods' vision of a global financial system was initially impeded by the Cold War. Only following the breakdown of the Soviet Union and the opening up of the Eastern Bloc states did this change. IMF membership has grown from the 29 states that joined the Fund in 1945 to the current total of 184 states.

When the original mandate of the IMF was undermined the Fund sought a new mission. So it claimed, for instance, that floating exchange rates also required management by an international organization. The new system was susceptible to overshooting, resulting in adjustment costs for the real economy. On the private capital market short-term financial support was available neither in times of crisis, nor to low income countries. Therefore, the IMF was to provide crisis management, including short-term capital, in particular to countries which could not easily access private capital markets.

When short-term lending became more and more unnecessary, the IMF, jointly with the World Bank, established programmes aimed at providing medium- and long-term support for developing countries. However, this new focus presented a challenge in terms of resources and know-how, as the IMF is a relatively small international organization with only about 2,800 staff, dominated by neo-liberal economists.

According to NGOs, the new objectives the IMF gradually adopted after it lost its original mandate could not be accomplished satisfactorily. Its long-term development programmes competed with the mission of other organizations such as the World Bank and the UNDP. Moreover, the programmes failed to accelerate the economic development of Third World countries, as promised by the Fund. In particular, the tying of programmes to extensive conditions has been questioned. As the conditions focus on reduction of balance-of-payment deficits over a set period of time, usually by reducing public expenditure and/or raising taxes, they often hit the poor the hardest. Other critiques point to the IMF's inability to enhance the stability of the international financial system. Its management of financial crises, such as in Latin America and Asia, often applied the wrong remedies for the borrower countries and represented a bail-out for Western investors, rather than support for the countries in need.

These policies, say critics, are a direct result of the G7's domination of the Fund's decision-making structure. Since the United States alone has a share of 17,3 per cent of the votes and North America and the EU combined more than 50 per cent, it is often said that the IMF is an instrument of Western financial and economic interests. For major decisions an 85 per cent majority of votes is required, giving the US de facto veto power. In contrast, borrower countries are seriously under-represented on all levels.

As a result of NGO pressure, the IMF has implemented some reforms to improve the transparency and accountability of its operations and decision-making process. It announced that it would require less conditions from borrower countries and reverse its "mission creep". Programmes such as the Poverty Reduction Growth Facility (PRGF) and the Heavily Indebted Poor Country (HIPC) Initiative, however, have so far failed to reduce poverty substantially.




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